OTHER RESEARCH INTERESTS
My next research task will be to extend my study of nuclear strategic defense
from the Second World War and the
Manhattan Project into the Cold War and beyond.
Strategic Defense in the Bomber Age
When it comes to nuclear weapons, too often a bright line is drawn between
the end of the war and the events that followed. Military historians lose
interest after Nagasaki, and diplomatic historians have more important things to
worry about from 1945 to 1949 than the production of plutonium and the creation
of
ad hoc radar networks stretching across North America. These
issues were fundamental, however, to U.S. national security strategy. There was a
massive demobilization of conventional military forces after the war, but
the nuclear weapons program quietly continued; it even remained under the
Manhattan Engineer District, General Leslie R. Groves (right) still commanding, until
the 1947 transition to the Atomic Energy Commission. The military
concentrated during this period on preparing early, rudimentary defenses for
North America, and especially on plans for the offensive use of the U.S. nuclear
stockpile at the onset of war. For the incipient post-war intelligence
community, determining
when the Soviet Union might acquire its first
atomic bomb became a central preoccupation. Their time estimates would
probably have been shortened by years if officials had realized just how
thoroughly the Manhattan Project had been penetrated by Soviet intelligence
during the war.
When that first Soviet test (right) came in August 1949, years earlier than had been
predicted, the U.S. nuclear weapons program increased dramatically in
intensity. The military believed an "airtight" defense of North
America to be impossible, so emphasis remained on the nuclear offensive
capability of the Strategic Air Command. The idea of preventative war was
rejected, but should war come, or even just appear imminent, the Air Force hoped
to
strike the Soviet Union with such force that no nuclear retaliation would be
possible. Generals such as Curtis LeMay had spent the final years of the
last war methodically burning down the cities of their enemies; they were
determined that the United States not be on the receiving end of this during the
next war. Civil defense planning began as well, but neither the public nor
the national security bureaucracy found "duck and cover" drills particularly
reassuring.
It was at the very end of the Truman Administration that the active defense
of North America, and not just preemption, began to become a matter of national
priority. As the estimates of the Soviet stockpile grew into double and
triple figures, officials in the State Department, the National Security
Resources Board, and elsewhere were appalled to learn what the military had
known for years: that if the Soviet Union struck
first, there might be very little warning and very great destruction.
There were numerous problems with this scenario as well, but the possibility of
a "nuclear Pearl Harbor" was just too compelling to ignore, especially with the
Japanese surprise attack on Hawaii still a recent memory. It should come
as no surprise that, when faced with this technological nightmare, the World War
II generation called for a technological solution in the form of a "Manhattan
Project-type" program to expand the air defenses of North America.
Military planners, fearing that funds would be diverted from offensive nuclear
forces, continued to argue that creating an impregnable defense was simply not
possible, but they were overruled. Thus, an often-overlooked aspect of the
Eisenhower Administration's "New Look" defense policy was the creation of a
massive system of active defenses against nuclear attack.
Strategic Defense in the Missile Age (and Beyond)
I have already completed about half of the
research necessary for a comprehensive study of strategic defense during the era
of the "missile gap," i.e. ca. 1954-1962. Continued
government classification of historical records prevents a comprehensive
study of strategic defense beyond the early 1960s, but the open-source
literature does make it possible to produce at least a survey of the problem
into the 1980s and beyond. I believe such a survey would fill a glaring
gap in the existing literature. It is also possible that in 5-10 years
time additional declassification will make possible a detailed study of
strategic defense in the 1960s. Given the intermittent nature and often
glacial pace of government declassification, however, this is certainly not
something that can be counted upon.
(Click here for a brief abstract of strategic defense from 1954 to the present.)
Information Technology and the Historical Profession
Information
technology is changing the way history is studied and taught. My
association with these changes began shortly after I graduated in 1995 with
undergraduate degrees in both history and computer science. I created
the first web site for the Temple University History Department in 1996 (at
the time we were only the third department in the entire college to have
one), and in 1997 I created
my first course web site as a teaching assistant
for Professor Richard Immerman's course on the Vietnam War. (Both web
sites continue to be used in modified forms today.) I have
created a web site for every course I have ever taught in a web-accessible
classroom, reviewed a historical CD-ROM for H-Net, and given a paper on
“Computers and the Teaching of the Vietnam War” at the annual conference of
the American Association for History and Computing. By far my largest
project relating to multimedia history is a massive web site I created over
the last year for the Department of Energy, entitled The Manhattan
Project: An Interactive History. (Click here for
more information on this project.)
Technology and National Security
Another rich area in general for military and diplomatic history
relating to the 20th
century is the relationship between technology and national security.
There is an entire literature out there full of insights on the history of
technology, but with a few prominent exceptions, little of it relates directly
to military or diplomatic history. For their part, many military and
diplomatic historians have no idea that the Society for the History of
Technology (SHOT) even exists. Numerous aspects of the arms races of the
20th century could benefit enormously from studies written from the perspective of
"systems of systems" or other approaches associated with the history
of technology. The line between science and technology becomes very
blurred when it comes to "big science" projects of the Cold War, such
as missile development, the making of the hydrogen bomb, the "space
race," computer developments associated with cryptology and air defense,
and numerous other projects. The interrelation of computers and air defense,
most notably with the Semi-Automatic Ground Environment (SAGE) air defense
centers of the 1950s, is a topic of particular interest to both historians of
technology and of the Cold War, or at least it should be.
The Cold War and Cultural History
Another potential future subject of research is the cultural history of the
Cold War. This is a rich and promising field, and happily one that does
not (for the most part) rely on the declassification of government
documents. Paul Boyer's By the Bomb's Early Light remains the
classic of the genre, but the subject since 1950 is still largely unexplored. A history
of "World War III," as it was variously depicted in fiction and films,
is a subject of particular interest to me. A great starting point for this
is the special October 27, 1951, issue of Collier's magazine (right), which was
devoted in its entirety to a "Preview of the War We Do Not
Want."
One short-term project that may come to fruition within the next year or two
is a brief study, perhaps just an article, relating to music and nuclear
war. The exact number depends on how you count them, but I already have in
my possession recordings of well over 200, and arguably as many as 400, songs that are about, or at least mention, some aspect of nuclear power. Most
are from the mid-1970s through the late 1980s, which was probably the time of
greatest public interest in the subject since the 1950s. Most of these
songs are not what you would call "good," but taken together they
provide a fascinating glimpse into how popular culture came to grips with --
and exploited -- nuclear fear.
World War III
A look out your window will confirm that in fact a third world war never
occurred. As a historical concept, however, "World War III"
remains an important and largely unexplored subject. Decisions made
everyday during the Cold War by politicians, diplomats, and generals, were dictated
largely by what, at any given time, these people thought a third world
war would have been like. Under what circumstances, if any, did either side
believe it could "win" a nuclear war, escape it relatively intact,
or even survive it at all? The answer to this question varied widely
throughout the Cold War, and its answer will explain much about the decisions
made by either side. Through it a detailed exploration of the war plans of
the potential combatants, the intelligence available to each side, and numerous
other factors, it should now be possible to write a detailed history of what the
United States government (and public) thought World War III might have looked like, from 1945 through to the
early 1960s. Though government secrecy at present would prevent such a
study from extending beyond the early 1960s, this may change as the years go by,
and even now it is possible to write a survey of World War III throughout the
Cold War which would serve as a valuable contribution to the existing
literature.
In addition to the "war that never was," numerous direct conflicts
took place between the superpowers during the Cold War. The one that is
well-recognized is the constant struggle between the many intelligence
agencies of both sides. While much has been written about covert
operations and intelligence gathering, continued government secrecy about events dating
back even to the 1940s has left the field largely to journalists
and memoirists with agendas. Some historical documentation is now
becoming available regarding the important, and often overlooked, analytical side
of intelligence work.
There were
also many instances of direct military and paramilitary
conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union. Current and
"recently retired" members of the United States military (such as Francis Gary Powers) took part in
numerous overflights of the Soviet Union, actions which brought about lethal confrontations in several cases, especially
during the early years of the Cold
War. There are rumors of overland penetrations into Soviet
territory as well, and covert ground operations were at a minimum definitely mounted in
eastern Europe. The Central Intelligence Agency also took part in
paramilitary operations against Soviet military forces in Afghanistan in the
1980s. For their part, Soviet pilots and aircraft (in Chinese markings)
battled U.S. aircraft over Manchuria and North Korea during the Korean War, and
participated as well in ground-to-air and air-to-air combat against U.S. forces
over North Vietnam. Though both sides were usually aware of the
involvement of the other, for a variety of reasons it was rarely in the
interests of either side to publicize this fact, and the details in many cases
remain
shrouded in government secrecy to this day.
Women and Military History
The most important development in the social history of the United States
military in the last half century has been the integration of women and
minorities. I am especially interested in the integration of women into
combat roles from the 1980s to the present. I find also that subjects such as
women in combat and the "Tuskegee Airmen" can play an especially important pedagogical role in
expanding the horizons of students who may initially be only interested in the
"drum and bugle" variety of military history.
Force and Diplomacy in the 20th Century
My research interests, both present and future, can be most fundamentally
defined as relating to force and diplomacy in the 20th century. Though it
has begun to close in recent years, a significant gap still remains between the
fields of diplomatic history and military history. When it comes to the
study of national security in the years since World War II, this old dichotomy
is simply no longer acceptable. A "purely military" history of
the Korean or Vietnam War would be unable to explain why, for example, the
United States showed such great, and at times seemingly-strange, military restraint. Similarly, a "purely diplomatic" history of, say, the
Berlin problem, 1945-1962, would be dramatically incomplete if the constant changes in the military balance during that period were not taken into
account. (How otherwise to explain, for example, why attempting the "Berlin
Airlift" was such an obvious first step in 1948, yet a decade later the
assumption by both sides was apparently that a renewed blockade would quickly
result in war?) The most important change that needs to made over the next
few decades in the study of the history of national security is to interrelate
more effectively military and diplomatic history.
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